When the shocking news emerged that morning, exactly 70
years ago, it took the form of a routine press release, a little more
than 1,000 words long. President Harry S. Truman was in the middle of
the Atlantic, returning from the Potsdam conference with Winston
Churchill and Joseph Stalin. Shortly before 11 o’clock, an information
officer from the Pentagon arrived at the White House carrying bundles of
press releases. A few minutes later, assistant press secretary Eben
Ayers started reading the announcement to about a dozen members of the
Washington press corps.
In this way, on this day, President Truman informed the press, and
the world, that America’s war against fascism—with victory over Germany
already in hand—had culminated in exploding a revolutionary new weapon
over a Japanese target.
The atmosphere was so casual, many reporters had difficulty grasping
the announcement. “The thing didn’t penetrate with most of them,” Ayers
later remarked. Finally, the journalists rushed to call their editors.
The first few sentences of the statement set the tone: “Sixteen hours
ago an American airplane dropped one bomb on Hiroshima, an important
Japanese Army base. That bomb had more power than 20,000 tons of
TNT.…The Japanese began the war from the air at Pearl Harbor. They have
been repaid many fold…. It is an atomic bomb. It is a harnessing of the
basic power of the universe.”
Truman’s four-page statement had been crafted with considerable care over many months, as my research at the Truman Library for two books on the subject
made clear. With use of the atomic bomb rarely debated at the highest
levels, an announcement of this sort was inevitable—if the new weapon
actually worked.
Those who helped prepare the presidential statement—principally
Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson—sensed that the stakes were high, for
this marked the unveiling of both the atomic bomb and the official
narrative of Hiroshima, which largely persists to this day. It was vital
that this event be viewed as consistent with American decency and
concern for human life.
And so, from its very first words, the official narrative was built
on a lie, or at best a half-truth.
Hiroshima did contain an important
military base, used as a staging area for Southeast Asia, where perhaps
25,000 troops might be quartered. But the bomb had been aimed not at the
“Army base” but at the very center of a city of 350,000, with the vast
majority women and children and elderly males (probably 30,000 children would die that day or in weeks and months that followed).
In fact, the two most important reasons Hiroshima had been chosen as
our number-one target were: it had been relatively untouched by
conventional bombs, meaning its large population was still in place and
the bomb’s effects could be fully judged; and the hills which surround
the city on three sides would have a “focusing effect” (as the target
committee put it), increasing the bomb’s destructive force.
Indeed, a US survey of the damage, not released to the press, found
that residential areas bore the brunt of the bomb, with less than 10
percent of the city’s manufacturing, transportation and storage
facilities damaged.
There was something else missing in the Truman announcement: because
the president in his statement failed to mention radiation effects,
which officials knew would be horrendous, the imagery of just “a bigger
bomb” would prevail for days in the press. Truman described the new
weapon as “revolutionary” but only in regard to the destruction it could
cause, failing to even mention its most lethal new feature: radiation.
In many ways, the same dangerous myth about nuclear weapons, first
promoted by Truman, persists in the minds of many today: that any use of
the more powerful weapons of today by a state (say, the United States
or Israel) could be and would be targeted on strictly military enclaves
or weapon sites, with little threat to thousands or millions living
nearby.
Many Americans on August 6, 1945, heard the news from the radio,
which broadcast the text of Truman’s statement shortly after its
release. The afternoon papers carried banner headlines along the lines
of: “Atom Bomb, World’s Greatest, Hits Japs!”
On the evening of August 9, Truman addressed the American people over
the radio. Again he took pains to picture Hiroshima as a military base,
even claiming that “we wished in the first attack to avoid, in so far
as possible, the killing of civilians.” By then, an American B-29 had
dropped a second atomic bomb over the city of Nagasaki, which killed
tens of thousands of civilians and only a handful of Japanese troops
(along with Allied prisoners of war). Nagasaki was variously described
by US officials as a “naval base” or “industrial center.”
Greg Mitchel is the author of more than a dozen books, including Atomic Cover-Up (on the decades-long suppression of shocking film shot in the atomic cities by the US military) and Hollywood Bomb (the wild story of how an MGM 1947 drama was censored by the military and Truman himself).
3 comments:
Greg, I know you need to sell some books but the filming of destruction was well documented and shown throughout the 1960's on a program called "The Big Picture". It depicted the horrors of the war and the effects on both sides as I recollect. The bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were covered in great detail.
Although they did not give the numbers of civilian death as accurately as you it was covered.
As long as I have been alive, 6+ decades, I have believed that using those two bombs, horrible and terrible as they were, saved 1 million Japanese lives and 250,000 Allied lives, and at least a year more of bloody and devastating war.
In my mind, the case has been closed since 1945. I would do it again.
The bombs use had nothing to do with Japan. They were used to send a message to China and Russia as to how far the US 1% would go to defend its wealth. Just as today the US does nothing serious to deter North Korea from Nuclear development as a message to Asia of our intentions to protect 1% wealth interests in this sphere of influence.
Post a Comment